Sabah crisis: Is Aquino siding with Malaysia to protect relatives’ business interests?

Presidential cousin and funder Tonyboy Cojuangco’s AirAsia business pals transport Malaysian army reinforcements to Sabah. (Photo from Borneo Inside)

The “journey home” to Sabah of some 200 followers of the Sultanate of Sulu more than a month ago has escalated into a full blown humanitarian crisis. More than a thousand Filipinos have fled Sabah that for decades they called home. Men, women and children took any boat available in a frantic and perilous voyage away from the brutality of Malaysian forces. The number of refugees in Tawi-Tawi from Lahad Datu and other affected towns in Sabah is expected to grow in the coming days.

Those who fled recounted the atrocities that Filipinos suffered in the disputed territory. “Malaysian policemen ordered Filipino men to run as fast as they could and shot them,” said a report by the Philippine Daily Inquirer. “Even pregnant women and children have been hunted down and killed as the Malaysians fire mortars and embark on a house-to-house search,” according to the Philippine Star. These people are not part of the armed followers of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III. They just happen to be Filipinos.

Some are baffled while most are enraged by the attitude of the Aquino administration towards the Sabah crisis. From the onset, President Benigno Aquino III took a hardline stance against the Sulu royal forces. Jamalul’s brother Rajah Mudah Agbimuddin Kiram and his men must surrender before any talks can happen, Aquino insisted. Charges are being prepared versus the Kirams, claimed the Justice department. They may also be turned over to Malaysian authorities to face prosecution. Malacañang sowed intrigues to cast doubt on the motive and legitimacy of the Sultanate. The National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) is probing the alleged conspiracy between the Kirams and certain politicians. All these even as Aquino ignored appeals by the Sultanate and the United Nations (UN) to stop the Malaysian military assault and for parties to talk.

Palace and Foreign Affairs spokespersons, of course, expressed concern over the reported human rights abuses in Sabah. But their statements are meaningless amid the brutal military offensive launched by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak that Aquino practically sanctioned with his reckless position. The public perception is that Aquino abandoned his own people, surrendered the country’s rightful claim to Sabah and sided with Malaysia. Thus Aquino, like Razak and his forces, is responsible for the carnage of Filipino men, women and children in Sabah.

But why is Aquino siding with Malaysia? One plausible explanation noted by analysts is the ongoing peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) where Malaysia plays a key role as facilitator. Aquino does not want to displease Malaysia and risk undermining the negotiations.

However, it is also notable that since taking over in 2010, Aquino’s relatives who bankrolled his presidential bid have inked business deals with Malaysia. Could these business interests be another possible explanation for the administration’s handling of the Sabah crisis?

What are these business deals? One involves San Miguel Corporation (SMC) of Aquino’s uncle Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco Jr. In August 2011, SMC acquired three subsidiaries of US oil giant Exxon Mobil’s downstream oil business in Malaysia. Worth $610 million, the transaction included the purchase by SMC of Esso Malaysia Bhd, Exxon Mobil Malaysia Sdn Bhd and Exxon Mobil Borneo Sdn Bhd. In its website, SMC said that the three companies form an integrated business engaged in refining, distribution and marketing of petroleum products. The physical assets include the 88,000 barrels per day Port Dickson refinery; seven fuel distribution terminals; and about 560 refilling stations.

SMC’s entry into the Malaysian downstream oil industry could be just the initial steps. Ramon S. Ang, president of the giant conglomerate, recently disclosed that SMC is eyeing big oil and natural gas field overseas. “If we were able to buy one of those, it would be like printing money forever,” Ang was quoted as saying. SMC is so serious about the plan that Ang said they are willing to let go of longtime core business San Miguel Brewery Inc. and new assets in power generation to raise funds. With its acquisition of Exxon Mobil’s downstream assets, SMC is in a strategic position to also corner upstream deals in oil-rich Malaysia.

The disputed state of Sabah itself is abundant in oil and gas resources. An article by the Philippine Star, quoting a 2012 study by Singapore-based FACTS Global Energy, reported that Sabah has reserves of about 11-12 trillion cubic feet of gas and at least 1.5 billion barrels of oil. The figures represent 12% and 15% of Malaysia’s natural gas and oil reserves, respectively, according to the report. Another article, by the Centre for Research on Globalization, noted that Sabah has 15 oil wells that can produce as many as 192,000 barrels a day. Also, four new oil fields have been discovered in its territorial waters in the past two years further increasing Sabah’s potential as oil producer.

Is Aquino avoiding displeasing Malaysia over the Sabah dispute so as not to undermine the grand multibillion dollar oil and gas ambitions of SMC and uncle Danding?

Another business deal involves AirAsia Philippines, the local affiliate of Malaysia-based AirAsia Bhd, the largest budget carrier in Southeast Asia. In November 2010, the Board of Investments (BOI) approved the formation of AirAsia Philippines as a joint venture between Malaysian investors and Filipino businessmen led by the President’s cousin Antonio “Tonyboy” Cojuangco Jr. Tonyboy and his Malaysian partners are aggressively expanding their operation in the Philippines with their recent acquisition of at least a 40% stake in local rival Zest Airways Inc.

Does Aquino fear that the contentious Sabah issue could somehow complicate the blooming Malaysian business partnership of his cousin Tonyboy?

Aquino could not just ignore the interests of his rich relatives. He won’t be President without their vital support.

Tonyboy was the biggest campaign donor of Aquino in 2010, based on the President’s official declaration to the Commission on Elections (Comelec). Out of the P440 million in campaign funds declared by Aquino, Tonyboy’s contribution accounted for almost a quarter with P100 million. While Danding was not officially listed as a campaign donor, it is widely known that the tycoon and Marcos crony also supported the candidacy of his nephew.

If these business interests of his relatives played a key role in Aquino’s handling of the crisis, then the slaughter of our men, women and children in Sabah becomes much more revolting and enraging than it already is. (End)

Bellofied!

Being “Bellofied” is fatal.

Red-baiting on national TV last week was Akbayan Rep. Walden Bello. Lacking a solid argument to explain why his group should not be disallowed from participating in the 2013 party-list elections, Bello claimed that those seeking their disqualification want him dead. “Actually, yung disqualification, secondary option lang nila ‘yan. Yung primary option, physical elimination namin,” Bello declared. Host Anthony Taberna asked Bello if he is accusing youth group Anakbayan, which asked the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to disqualify Akbayan, of plotting to kill him. “Alam naman natin na front group sila ng extreme Left. And the extreme Left in 2005 targeted me as a counter-revolutionary to be eliminated,” Bello retorted. He then went on to name Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) as another front organization. “So let’s face it, let’s put it on the table… like KMU, front groups sila ng extreme Left,” claimed Bello. (Watch the full video below)

Well, Anakbayan and KMU just got “Bellofied”. Don’t mistake it with being Belofied, the Belo Medical Group’s digital makeover that gives a preview of how you will look like after undergoing a cosmetic procedure. But being Bellofied also transforms you – from a legal organization to a communist front. Being Belofied is fun, being Bellofied is fatal. Hundreds of activists from Anakbayan, KMU and other organizations who have been Bellofied were either shot dead or abducted under government’s counterinsurgency campaign Oplan Bantay Laya and Oplan Bayanihan. Being Bellofied will land you an appointment not with a cosmetic surgeon but with a heartless butcher.

Anakbayan, KMU and other national democratic organizations and their allies (the “extreme Left”, said Bello) have been constantly Bellofied by Walden and his cohorts at Akbayan. In January 2005, the Bangkok-based Focus on the Global South of which Bello was then an executive director, asked KMU, the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), Migrante, the International Peoples Struggles (ILPS) and others to “apply moral suasion” on the leaders of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA). The statement was issued after Bello and former Akbayan Rep. and now Noynoy Aquino-appointee Etta Rosales claimed that they have been targeted for assassination by the NPA. Their basis? A diagram of Filipino counter-revolutionary groups and their international links that appeared on the December 7, 2004 issue of Ang Bayan, the CPP’s official publication and downloadable from its website. Bello and Akbayan’s line echoed the propaganda of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), which has been carrying out assassinations and abductions of legitimate political activists.

The supposed threat to Bello’s life courtesy of the CPP-NPA has never materialized. But leaders and members of organizations Walden Bellofied, those he accused of being CPP-NPA fronts, have been killed or abducted, never to be seen again. Think of Jonas Burgos. Think of Sherlyn Cadapan and Karen Empeño. Think of the many activists that fell in the hands of Jovito Palparan. During the 2010 polls, Akbayan again resorted to Bellofying as part of its black propaganda campaign against then senatorial bets Satur Ocampo and Liza Maza. Refresh your memory how Risa Hontiveros Bellofied the candidates of Makabayan.

Aside from Bellofying, Walden also accused Anakbayan and its allies of simply being inggit because Akbayan made them irrelevant. “Ang problema nito – hindi nila inilalabas sa complaint na galing ito sa inggit kasi napaka-effective ng Akbayan in representing the marginalized masses whereas sila at yung mga parties where they are allied, the ultra-Left, ay talagang they have been drifting into irrelevance,” Bello said. He then went on to recite a litany of supposed legislative achievements. Well, if Bello’s measure of relevance is Congress, the last time I looked, the “ultra-Left” party-list groups have seven representatives in the Lower House, Akbayan has two. But Congress is the measure of relevance only in Bello’s warped mind. The last time I looked, the national democratic movement is still the single most potent political force in the country that can mobilize the biggest number of people on Sona or May 1. The last time I looked, it was Bayan Muna, Kabataan, Anakbayan, KMU, Bayan and others that were at the forefront (together with concerned netizens) in the fight against the Cybercrime Law, both inside the Supreme Court (SC), along Padre Faura and on Facebook and on Twitter, while Akbayan was… never mind. Bello wrote a column against the Cybercrime Law? Yes, but by that time, the protests have already snowballed and Bello and Akbayan are just simply jumping on the bandwagon, lest they become irrelevant.

I don’t know why Walden could not squarely answer the question being raised by Anakbayan. It’s a fair question that even an ordinary voter without any ideological leaning could ask. Why is Akbayan – whose current and former officials and nominees are occupying high ranking presidential appointments – should still be considered marginalized and under-represented, which are the basic requirements of Republic Act (RA) 7941 or the Party-List System Act?

Akbayan used to be a pseudo-progressive party-list group. Now, they’re simply a pseudo-party-list group.

Dumb and dumber on cybercrime

(Image from thestroboscopesyndrome.blogspot.com)

Dumb: The cyberspace has become a very dangerous place.
Dumber: Dangerous ideas easily spread there.

Dumb: I think there has to be a virtual Big Brother who shall monitor what’s happening online.
Dumber: Not only monitor but instill discipline. Daang matuwid is not chaotic, you know.

Dumb: We will regulate the internet?
Dumber: Yeah, those so-called netizens think that freedom is absolute. We have to teach them a thing or two about responsible democracy.

Dumb: So, what are you thinking?
Dumber: Let’s invent a new crime.

Dumb: Like what?
Dumber: Um, internet libel.

Dumb: Internet libel? But there’s already the regular crime of libel.
Dumber: Idiot. It’s a new crime. Regular libel applies only to printed materials. Those cybercriminals are using a new medium – online publications, blogs, Facebook accounts, Twitter. So we charge them with internet libel.

Dumb: Ok. But how about those writers who publish libelous content in their printed publication and in their online version?
Dumber: That’s easy. We charge them with regular libel and internet libel.

Dumb: I’m not smart but isn’t that double jeopardy?
Dumber: You’re not listening, no? Internet libel is a new crime.

Dumb: That’s pretty cool! Those cybercriminals will surely be thinking many times before they publish their libelous thoughts. Haha!
Dumber: You know what’s cooler? Under internet libel, we can also charge the cybercriminal’s accomplices. You see, in regular libel, we can’t make those who spread the libelous content accountable.

Dumb: I don’t seem to follow you.
Dumber: Can you keep a record of the people who share a libelous article in a printed newspaper?

Dumb: No. That’s impossible.
Dumber: But not in the internet. You can easily see who shared in Facebook or tweeted and retweeted a libelous article. We can also make them liable for abetting the crime.

Dumb: Wow! And if we really want to make internet libel effective, we can make those who “like” a libelous article liable, too!
Dumber: Now you’re talking.

Dumb: I’m loving this internet libel thing. Those criminal online writers, bloggers, Twitterers and Facebook users will certainly be scared to death with the thought that they can be penalized for committing libel.
Dumber: I’m thinking of an even harsher penalty. Since it’s a new crime, um, a penalty that is one degree higher than what is usually provided under the Revised Penal Code seems fair.

Dumb: I’m having a tyrant’s hard on right now.
Dumber: Wait till you hear this. There’s a takedown provision.

Dumb: A takedown what?
Dumber: If someone commits a cybercrime, like internet libel, we will take down his or her website.

Dumb: And that is special because…?
Dumber: We can do it even without a court order. A judge doesn’t need to determine probable cause. If based on our first impression a cybercrime has been committed, we can take down the site.

Dumb: That’s wickedly awesome!
Dumber: (nodding while grinning)

Dumb: I love your brain.
Dumber: I know.

A national loss

Attorney Romeo T. Capulong (1935-2012) was a powerful symbol of people’s lawyering, deeply cherished by his peers, and sincerely esteemed even by his adversaries

The Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) is holding a tribute today (September 20) to honor the memory of the prominent, respected and treasured human rights lawyer Attorney Romeo T. Capulong. Ka Romy passed away last September 16 at the age of seventy-seven. In its official statement, Bayan described Ka Romy a human rights lawyer extraordinaire and a beloved champion of the masses who comes only once in a generation.

At the time of his death, Ka Romy was the chairperson of the Public Interest Law Center (PILC) which he founded in 1989 amid human rights atrocities under the then Cory Aquino administration. He was also the founding chairman and chairman emeritus of the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL), which was established in 2007 as a nationwide voluntary organization of law practitioners for the defense and promotion of human rights.

Ka Romy’s dedication to the poor and oppressed, combined with his extraordinary legal acumen, created a brand of people’s lawyering that was truly remarkable, if not unrivaled. While the country did not lack of brilliant lawyers who stood up against colonizers and tyrants, Ka Romy was special for his, as Bayan put it, “unshakeable faith in the masses”. Mula sa masa, para sa masa was Ka Romy’s guiding principle and foundation that motivated his exceptional life as a lawyer and a political activist.

A delegate to the 1970 Constitutional Convention (Con-con) and a former judge at the United Nations (UN) International Criminal Tribunal, Ka Romy challenged the myth of the blindfolded Lady Justice that metes out judgment objectively regardless of power and wealth. Indeed, for all his legal virtuosity, Ka Romy was always the first to say that the legal is just secondary to the political, as the reactionary justice system is skewed in favor of the rich and only the direct and collective political action of the oppressed and aggrieved can neutralize it. Such radical insight was borne by Ka Romy’s decades of battles inside the courtroom and by his keen understanding of the country’s political realities.

This was demonstrated in one of the last cases Ka Romy handled – the Morong 43. The controversial case ended in a historic victory for the unlawfully detained health workers through a determined and sustained political campaign, even as their counsels led by Ka Romy engaged the military and the Arroyo administration in almost a year of legal battle.

The Morong 43 was just one in a long list of high-profile cases that Ka Romy handled – from Prof. Joma Sison to Flor Contemplacion; from Ninoy Aquino to AFP General-turned-NPA Raymundo Jarque; from the Payatas tragedy to Hacienda Luisita; from the Erap impeachment to numerous labor disputes. He was also instrumental in the forging of landmark deals between the communist rebels and the Philippine government. All these illustrate, according to Bayan, “the character and caliber of Ka Romy and by themselves are indisputable testament to his legacy as a people’s lawyer, human rights defender, a Filipino patriot and champion of the masses”.

Ka Romy was to people’s lawyering what Ka Bel was to the militant labor movement and Ka Roger to the revolutionary armed struggle. Like Ka Bel and Ka Roger, Ka Romy was a powerful symbol of his chosen arena of struggle – inspiring many others to follow his lead; deeply cherished by his peers and supporters and sincerely esteemed even by his adversaries.  Like Ka Bel and Ka Roger, the death of Ka Romy has created a sense of national loss . This is a testament to his invaluable contribution to the still unfolding narrative of a nation seeking genuine freedom, democracy and justice.

Silverio Compound: A fight for the right to live

(Video by Tudla Productions)

The Silverio Compound demolition in Parañaque City was the most brutal in recent memory, leaving at least one dead and some 36 hurt, mostly by gunshot wounds. Some 33 residents and protesters were also arrested, including seven minors and two women. Twenty-nine of them were eventually charged with resistance and disobedience to a person in authority and disturbance of public order. While some of the wounded were brought to various hospitals, many others refused to seek proper medical attention out of fear of being arrested or simply due to lack of money.

Negotiations

On April 23, residents blocked certain portions of Silverio Compound as early as 5 a.m. The main barricade was set up at Purok 4, which fronts the SM Hypermart. By 7 AM, five 6×6 trucks each carrying 30 to 40 policemen from the Parañaque City Civil Disturbance Management Unit (CDMU) along with two fire trucks began arriving in the area. They were backed by several members of the police’s Special Weapons and Tactics unit (SWAT) who were armed with high-powered assault rifles. By around 7:30 AM, many residents had already occupied Sucat Road, which was meant to cause traffic and delay the demolition. A demolition team of some 50 men arrived at about 8 a.m.

Initial findings of the emergency fact-finding mission (FFM) conducted by the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) several hours after the bloody incident show that members of the CDMU provoked the violent confrontation. Prior to the hostility, leaders of the residents and local politicians Cong. Edwin Olivarez, former Cong. Ed Zialcita, and Councilor Eric Olivarez were negotiating with the police (talks began at around 9 a.m.) to suspend the demolition as the Silverio compound is the subject of a pending court case. The CDMU, on the other hand, was asking the protesters to free up a portion of the road to let vehicles pass.

Gun shots

Despite ongoing negotiations to suspend the demolition and willingness of residents to heed the police’s request to allow traffic flow, the CDMU prepared to turn toward the direction of the protesters at past 10 a.m. Witnesses also said they saw men secure the local politicians, which indicated that the police was getting ready to move. Thinking that the CDMU was about to disperse them, the residents started to hurl stones at the police. Eventually, the police responded by firing teargas toward the direction of the protesters. Accounts claimed that the police fired more than 10 teargas canisters.

The CDMU and SWAT members were forced to backtrack a bit but moments later, gun shots were heard, apparently fired by the police, sporadic at first and then in succession. The string of gun shots forced protesters to back down and run away while the CDMU and SWAT teams advanced and began arresting people. One person – later identified as 21-year old Arnel Leonor, a resident of Silverio Compound – was seen lying on the pavement, with what appeared to be a fatal gunshot wound in the head. He was brought to a hospital by the police many minutes later but was declared dead on arrival.

Violations galore

The atrocities committed by the police did not end in the indiscriminate shooting of the residents that killed Leonor and wounded others. Many of those who were already apprehended or subdued were still assaulted by the angry police. They were truncheoned, punched, kicked and slapped at whim by the arresting officers. These were captured by the media who were covering the incident. Worse, the arrests were arbitrary; the police picked up anyone they wanted. Some of those arrested and assaulted by the police were mere onlookers. They said they did not run away because they did not participate in the protest and thus thought will not be arrested, much less assaulted by members of the CDMU.

Arbitrary house-to-house searches were also carried out by the police to look for more people to pick up. Witnesses claimed that some police officers again fired their guns during these house searches. The demolition team, meanwhile, pushed through with the demolition of several stalls and houses.

Private profits over public housing

This bloody incident could have been prevented had Mayor Florencio Bernabe respected the original agreement between Silverio Compound residents and former Mayor Joey Marquez that the entire 9.7-hectare property will be used for socialized housing. This means that the 28,000 families occupying the property will just amortize the land to the Parañaque City government. It was Marquez who, in 2003, initiated the expropriation proceedings by virtue of an ordinance against Silverio Compound’s private owner Magdiwang Realty Corp. But Bernabe changed the plan, reduced the size for socialized housing to 3 hectares, and pushed for the construction of 32 medium-rise condos that can only accommodate some 1,900 families.

Bernabe is pushing for a public-private partnership (PPP) project for Silverio Compound, eyeing big developers including SM Development Corp. (SMDC) to build the medium-rise buildings and other infrastructures in the area. The remaining 6.7 hectares of the property will also be devoted for commercial development in a bid to entice private investors in the city. Clearly, this is a case of the local government prioritizing private profits over the people’s basic right to shelter.

Impunity

The blatant disregard for human rights displayed by the police involved in the incident speaks volume of how deep the culture of impunity has been ingrained among our law enforcers and security forces. To end this culture of impunity, those who are involved, directly and indirectly, and not only members of the SWAT and CDMU but even police and civilian officials, in the tragic Silverio Compound demolition must be held liable.

What is alarming is that recent developments point to the regrettable possibility of a whitewash. National officials, for instance, are now seemingly conditioning the public mind that Leonor could have died from a bullet fired by one of the protesters. Supposedly, one of those arrested tested positive for gunpowder. Only an independent probe of the incident, including a re-autopsy of Leonor’s body by an independent party, could provide a more credible finding.

There is no doubt that the police used excessive force in enforcing the demolition order. Their abuses have been well-documented by media outfits who covered the incident and their identities could be easily established. Bernabe, on the other hand, clearly abused his power in insisting to implement the demolition. There are more than enough grounds to immediately make these people accountable.

Call for support

While the residents of Silverio Compound remain undaunted by oppression and brutality, they need all the support that they can muster to ensure that justice will be served. At the same time, they also need assistance – medical, legal, etc. – to help them cope with the tragedy inflicted on them by institutions that are supposed to uphold their rights and promote their interests.

The people of Silverio Compound, like those in other urban poor communities who have been dislocated or threatened by PPP projects that only profit the few, are fighting not only for their homes but for their right to live as human beings. All those who value this very fundamental human right could not allow them to fail. (end)

Written for Paninindigan, Bayan’s official publication (click here)

Who’s afraid of Occupy Mendiola?

Manila police violently disperse protesters trying to camp out at Mendiola Bridge to protest Aquino's anti-people economic policies (Photo by Bullit Marquez/AP)

Noynoy is. Malacañang security officials and the local police have made Mendiola a no camp out zone. Since December 6, Manila anti-riot police have been violently frustrating attempts by activists to set up camp at the historic bridge leading to Malacañang. Several youth protesters were arrested and injured in clashes with the police. At least five protest leaders were charged with sedition.

The last time rallies at Mendiola were banned and considered seditious, the illegitimate President, Mrs. Gloria Arroyo, was desperately clinging on to power and suppressing protests at every turn.

(Video of the violent dispersal, shot by Mayday Multimedia Philippines, here) 

Unusual

But President Benigno S. Aquino III is not fighting for political survival unlike his despised predecessor. In fact, he continues to enjoy high approval and trust ratings, according to the latest Pulse Asia survey. Thus, to some, it is puzzling how government is responding to the camp out protest. It is indeed quite uncharacteristic for a regime that supposedly has wide public support to be so insecure about a peaceful assembly.

Police officials insist that their intel work indicates something unusual about the camp out. Their claims, however, are as preposterous as the fantastical “put the little girl to sleep”. Manila police officials, for instance, say they think the protesters plan to encircle Malacañang in a seditious act of toppling the government. This explains the repeated statements by police officials that the camp out is inciting to sedition. The police’s intel sources, by the way, are the media advisories and Facebook posts of camp out organizers and participants.

Message

The student and youth organizations which initiated what the mainstream media have described as the Philippine version of the “Occupy Wall Street” actually have a simple message, objective, and aim. The message is that the political and economic system favors the rich and exploits the poor. The objective is to concretize this message by raising urgent issues – the budget cuts in education, rising prices, lack of jobs, landlessness, etc. The camp out aims to mobilize more people around these issues and struggle for genuine change.

Malacañang will not admit but what it worries is this: If the camp out will succeed, it will help weaken the plan of the Aquino clique to forever ride on the strong anti-Arroyo sentiment to sustain its legitimacy and wide public support. It will help the public see that the more fundamental contradiction is not Aquino versus Arroyo. No matter how noisy this conflict has been, the main contradiction remains between the exploited great majority of the people and the exploiting minority that both Aquino and Arroyo represent.

Pro-elite

Government has dismissed early on an Occupy movement gaining ground in the Philippines. Presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda said in October that there is no basis for a similar movement as the administration is “siding with the poorest of the poor”. Government, he said, strives for “inclusive growth”.

Nothing can be farther from the truth. In its December 6 editorial, the Philippine Daily Inquirer noted that the combined income of the richest 1% of the families (185,000) is equivalent to the poorest 30% (5.5 million). Aquino, like Arroyo, belongs to this 1% that monopolizes the country’s wealth.

Economic policies favor the ruling elite to which both Aquino and Arroyo belong. They use political power to prevent the redistribution of social wealth and accumulate more. The most glaring example is the Hacienda Luisita, which has been controlled by the family of the landlord President for more than half a century through deception and violence. Today, Aquino wants compensation from farmers his family has exploited to the hilt for decades before they can get the lands they have always owned.

To intensify

It will not always take the form of an Occupy or camp out, but objective conditions indicate that social unrest certainly will intensify. Long-term trends in social indicators show a worsening crisis that is the result of decades of flawed, pro-elite economic policy making.

Let us take a look, for instance, at the historical results of the surveys of the Social Weather Stations (SWS). From less than 10% in hunger incidence in the late 1990s, the portion of families that go hungry has jumped to more than 19% this year. Poverty remains unacceptably high at more than 54% this decade although it has declined from 61% during second half of the 1980s. From less than 10% in the last decade, unemployment has doubled to almost 20% in the 2000s.

Meanwhile, in the countryside, landlessness continues to worsen. Using official data from the last Census of Agriculture in 2002, farms not owned by tillers comprised almost 53% of the total number of farms. In the 1991 census, it was a smaller 42 percent. A similar trend is observed in terms of total area of farms. During the same period, the share of farms not owned by tillers deteriorated from 33% to 49 percent.

Symbols

The camp out is by no means the be-all and end-all in exposing Aquino and the deep-seated crisis of our backward politics and economy. But winning the “battle for Mendiola” is also crucial in terms of the symbolisms that occupying the bridge represents. First is the assertion of our democratic rights as Mendiola has long been a symbol of the people’s struggle against tyranny. Second is amid the global crisis, occupying a public space has become a powerful symbol in many countries to show the people’s disgust with the prevailing system that benefits only the few.

At any rate, the camp out is still a victory for the organizers. The police, through brutal force, may have succeeded in preventing the protesters from physically setting up their camp at Mendiola. But the activists succeeded in making the public see the current government’s low tolerance to mass actions for social justice, which is characteristic of elite, undemocratic governance. #

Noynoy’s US visit: RP to get more counterinsurgency aid via Millennium Challenge Corp.

Pres. Aquino's counterinsurgency campaign will get a boost from the $434-M MCC grant for "poverty reduction" (Photo by Rem Zamora)

One of the anticipated highlights of President Noynoy Aquino’s trip to the US is the formal signing of the $434-million grant from the Millennium Challenge Corp. (MCC) under its Millennium Challenge Account (MCA). For the cash-strapped Malacañang, the aid is significant not only because of its size, which for a foreign grant is quite big. Politically, the MCC grant is also an unmistakable sign of strong US confidence in the new administration as a reliable ally in protecting American interests in the region. According to an ABS-CBN report quoting Washington insiders, the MCC Board led by State Department Sec. Hillary Clinton did not even wait for their regular fourth quarter meeting to act on the Philippines’ grant application.

Actually, as early as 2009, the country was already eligible for a “Compact” with the MCC. Formal signing, however, was delayed for political reasons. The Obama administration apparently feared that the “integrity” of the MCC grant might be questioned if it will sign the compact with the Arroyo government, which had an awful corruption record and an even more terrible human rights record. The MCC supposedly helps only those countries that practice “good governance”.  While Mrs. Arroyo had displayed avid support for the US in the nine years she was in power, her administration was already too unpopular to be useful for American interests. Thus, the US had to wait for the results of the May 2010 elections and ensure that its favored candidate will win.

Stronger RP-US military and security ties

Early developments indicate that Philippine-US relations under the Aquino administration will be defined by stronger military and security ties, with Washington providing more defense and counter-insurgency-related assistance. In July, Reuters reported that the US has pledged to provide $18.4-million precision-guided missiles this year that will be used against Moro rebels. In August, US Ambassador Harry Thomas announced that the US has donated four “sophisticated” gunboats worth P72 million to the Philippine National Police (PNP) for coastline security. Later, the US Embassy disclosed that Washington has decided to increase its law enforcement assistance to the Philippines from P495 million this year to P630 million in 2011.

But the MCC grant is so far the largest assistance that the US has committed to the Aquino administration. Technically, the $434-million grant is not categorized as a military or counter-insurgency aid. According to MCC and Palace officials, the money will be used for the Philippine government’s development and poverty reduction efforts.  However, since the Bush administration released its post 9/11 National Security Strategy (NSS) in 2002, development aid meant for poverty reduction has been systematically aligned with US war on terror efforts that target legitimate rebel and anti-US imperialism groups in its neocolonies such as the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) – New People’s Army (NPA).

Militarization of US development aid

The 2002 NSS established “global development”, for the first time, as the third pillar of US national security along with defense and diplomacy. Budget justifications for foreign assistance also began to underscore the anti-terrorism campaign as the top foreign aid priority of the US. The Bush administration also made it clear in its 2003 National Strategy for Combating Terrorism that a state’s stand on terrorism will be considered when providing aid to that country. It was in this context that the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) as a new development assistance program was created. Under the Obama administration, foreign aid is expected to play an even deeper role in protecting and advancing US geopolitical interests, especially since all-out military interventions such as the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq have lost legitimacy and have proven too politically and financially costly for the crisis-ridden US economy.

In the Philippines, for instance, the MCC grant will be used to bankroll known counterinsurgency projects masquerading as development/poverty reduction initiatives. These so-called development projects have been designed and initiated by the Arroyo administration, which taking its cue from the US’s National Security Strategy, crafted its own National Internal Security Plan (NISP). Arroyo’s NISP systematically combined military campaigns and poverty alleviation/social development initiatives, some of which are funded by official development assistance (ODA) such as the MCC grant.

Under the NISP, the Arroyo administration implemented the Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL) military campaign, which aside from assassinating, abducting, and persecuting political activists from legal people’s organizations, also had “peace and development activities” that aim to undermine the influence of the CPP-NPA in remote barangays in the countryside. Elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) participated in the implementation of poverty alleviation and development efforts of civilian government agencies, an approach that the military leadership claims has significantly weakened the communist rebels.

KALAHI for anti-insurgency

One of these projects is the Kapit-Bisig Laban sa Kahirapan (Unity against Poverty– KALAHI) program. KALAHI is the national government’s overarching program for a focused, accelerated, convergent, expanded, and strategic effort to reduce poverty. Among its main components is the KALAHI-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (CIDSS), which started in 2003 with $100-million in funding from the World Bank. Under the MCC grant, KALAHI-CIDSS, a “community-based, rural development program”, will be expanded through a $120-million funding.  

As envisioned in the NISP, KALAHI shall have an inter-agency convergent mechanism composed of the National KALAHI Convergent Group (NKCG) and the Regional KALAHI Convergent Group (RKCG). Among the functions and responsibilities of the RKCG, which is made up of the regional counterparts of national agencies in the NKCG plus Local Government Units (LGUs), is “close collaboration with the AFP and the PNP” to ensure a strong link between the anti-poverty and internal security efforts of the government. More than half of KALAHI sites are classified as conflict areas, most of which are CPP-NPA guerilla fronts. (Read here for an example)

Development projects for militarist pacification

In reality, the KALAHI-CIDSS is essentially the “social development” component of the AFP’s pacification campaign. For example, to help implement the projects in Muslim areas in Mindanao under the KALAHI-CIDSS, Mrs. Arroyo announced in 2003 the formation of Salaam Soldiers. Salaam means peace and in this case is an acronym for the Special Advocacy on Literacy/Livelihood Advancement for Muslims.

At least half of this special team is composed of Muslim regular soldiers and integrees (former MILF or MNLF rebels) who have been tasked to provide “psycho-social and medico-civic services” as well as to ensure peace and order in their area. But the AFP itself said that the Sala’am Soldiers are similar to the special operations teams (SOTs) deployed in insurgency areas in the early 1990s.

The SOTs combined civic action with intelligence-gathering and were largely credited for the decline of the communist insurgency in some regions of the country. Together with vigilante and paramilitary groups, they were accused of countless human rights violations in Mindanao.

In addition, the AFP, the Department of National Defense (DND), and the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) also directly implement development projects under KALAHI through the KALAHI-KALAYAAN to supposedly “address the needs of the poor communities in conflict areas”.

Samar Road

Another project that will be funded by the MCC grant is the $214-million construction and repair of 220 kilometers of roads that cut across the most marginalized communities of Samar Island. The so-called Samar Road will pass through 15 municipalities and aims to improve access to markets and services for farmers, fishers, and small businesses.

But why did Samar get such special attention from the Philippine government and the MCC? According to the AFP, the island remains “a big challenge” to the Army when it comes to crushing insurgency. Meanwhile, in a recent press conference, Samar Governor Sharee Ann Tan-Delos Santos said that in order to help the government and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in their aim to eradicate the problem of insurgency in the province of Samar, there will be constructions of additional provincial roads that will inter-connect the far-flung towns and barangays in Samar. The AFP’s 8^th Infantry Division is also currently implementing KALAHI-KALAYAAN projects in various villages around the province.

Samar has been described as a “killing field” due to an intensifying counterinsurgency campaign of the AFP in the province. Among the victims of assassination by suspected military elements was parish priest and human rights advocate Reverend Cecilio Lucero of Catubig, Northern Samar, which according to human rights group Karapatan is the first recorded assassination of a Catholic priest since the Marcos dictatorship. Just last August 25, Casiano Abing, a Bayan Muna member, was shot dead in Balangiga, Eastern Samar. Karapatan lists Samar as among the most heavily affected by human rights violations involving state security agents.

Distorting development work, more human rights abuses

Despite the many cases of human rights violations under the Oplan Bantay Laya including the extrajudicial killings (more than 1,000 since 2001), abductions (more than 200), and legal persecution of innocent civilians tagged by the military as CPP-NPA members or supporters, the Aquino administration has decided to extend the campaign until yearend. (Read the latest report on the human rights situation in the Philippines here) Under Aquino’s three-month old presidency, seven activists have already been assassinated under the murderous OBL.

A new counterinsurgency campaign that will supposedly replace the OBL is currently being developed, and according to an Army spokesman, would entail more “developmental projects”. And it seems that like his predecessor, President Aquino will increasingly use foreign development aid such as the $434-million MCC grant as part of government’s counterinsurgency campaign.

Development workers and activists have been questioning the use of poverty reduction projects for the AFP’s militarist pacification campaign. Resources intended for poverty alleviation and development but used within a strategic framework of subsuming the peace and development process under a military-defined internal security effort will only help perpetuate the conflict and the rampant violation of the people’s most fundamental human rights.

It is true that the greater the poverty of the people, the more that they will embrace revolution to achieve social justice such as the four-decade civil war being waged by the NPA. But using supposed poverty reduction and development projects as part of a military campaign to end the insurgency shortcuts the process of achieving genuine and lasting peace, and thus could never truly address the root causes of the conflict.

Red-baiting: ang maruming laban ni Risa Hontiveros

Ano ang maganda sa laban ni Risa? (photo by rcmanila on Photobucket)

Hindi naman daw red-baiting ang ginagawa ni Risa Hontiveros ng Akbayan/Liberal Party (LP) sa senatorial candidates na sina Satur Ocampo at Liza Maza ng Makabayan. “Nowhere in my press statement did I call them communist,” ani Hontiveros.

Ano exactly ang sinabi ni Hontiveros? Nasa ibaba ang portion ng isang direct quote sa kanyang press statement:

“Actually, the links between the left-wing candidates in the NP slate and the Communist Party is something that nobody really questions.”

Ano exactly ang links na tinutukoy ni Hontiveros? Muli, direct quote sa kanyang press statement:

“It doesn’t help that Satur Ocampo and Lisa Maza keep on pussy-footing on ideological roots and organizational links.”

Wala naman daw nagdududa sa links nina Ocampo at Maza sa CPP. At huwag na raw magkakaila sina Ocampo at Maza sa ideological at organizational links na ito.

Hindi ito red-baiting?

Sa kanyang depensa sa batikos na magkatambal sila ni Gen. Jovito Palparan sa red-baiting, iginiit ni Hontiveros na: “It is actually their refusal to condemn the atrocities and abuses of the CPP-NPA that indirectly helps human rights violators like Palparan to commit further abuses.”

Sa ilohika ni Hontiveros, kasalanan (kahit pa indirectly) nina Ocampo at Maza kung bakit patuloy na pinapatay, dinudukot, at tinutoryur ng Arroyo administration at ng armed forces nito ang mga aktibista. Kung kukundenahin lang nina Ocampo at Maza ang “atrocities and abuses” ng CPP-NPA, matitigil na ang state-sponsored human rights violations?

Ganito mangatwiran ang mga doble-karang oportunista. Mapanganib ang mga taong ganito.

Karapatan s’yempre ni Hontiveros at ng Akbayan na batikusin ang ipinagpapalagay nilang atrocities at abuses ng CPP-NPA. Pero ibang usapin ang red-baiting.

Tandaang hindi ito ang unang pagkakataon na nag-red-baiting ang Akbayan.

Noong January 2005, sa internationally circulated statement ng Bangkok-based na Focus on the Global South kunsaan executive director si Walden Bello ng Akbayan, sinabi nitong: “Being part of a bigger global movement for social justice, we have interacted with, worked with, or even supported groups that are associated or working closely with the CPP such as Ibon Foundation, Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), Cordillera People’s Alliance (CPA), International League of People’s Struggles (ILPS), KMU (May 1st Movement), Asian Student Association (ASA), and Migrante. We now appeal to the sense of decency of individuals in these and other groups and urge them to denounce these actions and apply moral suasion on Sison and other leaders of the CPP and NPA to refrain from the threat and use of force and assassination.”

Mahigit isang libo na ang biniktima ng extrajudicial killings sa ilalim ng Oplan Bantay Laya

Kagaganap pa lamang noon ng Hacienda Luisita massacre nang ilabas nina Bello ang kanilang statement. Ginatungan nito ang propaganda ng militar na mga komunista daw ang nasa likod ng welga sa Hacienda Luisita. Sa dokumentong Knowing the Enemy, na lumabas sa publiko pagkalipas ng ilang buwan, tinukoy ng AFP na communist fronts daw ang mga organisasyong binanggit nina Bello.

Sa mga dokumento ng Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL), ang mga “sectoral front organizations” ng CPP-NPA ang target ng neutralization ng AFP. Ito ang kwento ng extrajudicial killings ng mga aktibista sa bansa.

Ang mga doble-karang oportunista ay nagpapanggap na progresibo. Sa isang banda, ipinagyayabang na sila ay human rights at peace advocates.

“How can I be a supporter of a human rights violator, when I filed a case for the disqualification of his (Palparan) party-list? When I authored a lot of resolutions investigating incidents of human rights violations? When I have bills penalizing torture, enforced disappearance, and strengthening the Commission on Human Rights?” tanong ni Hontiveros.

Isang bagay ang mag-file ng maraming bills at resolutions tungkol sa human rights. Ibang bagay ang mag-red-baiting. Ibang bagay ang ginagatungan at inuulit-ulit ang black propaganda ng AFP laban kina Ocampo, Maza, kanilang mga kasamahan at grupo.

Hindi maikakaila ni Hontiveros at ng Akbayan na ang kanilang red-baiting ay ginagamit ng Arroyo administration upang pagtakpan ang napakasahol nitong human rights record.

Noong 2008, nang lumabas ang report ni Prof. Philip Alston, ang Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Execution ng United Nations (UN), binira ng Malacañang ang integrity ng report. Pinagbintangan nito si Prof. Alston na pinapaboran ang CPP-NPA-NDF. Ang ebidensya ng administrasyong Arroyo? Ang mga naunang pahayag nina Bello at Etta Rosales ng Akbayan.

Sa official statement ni Ambassador Erlinda F. Basilio, Permanent Representative to the UN and other international organizations ng bansa, sinabi nitong:

“Prof. Alston’s partiality, selectivity and double standard are fully demonstrated in End Note no. 46 of Prof. Alston’s report. This concerns two leftist government critics – Prof. Walden Bello and Ms. Etta Rosales, whose freedom of expression and right to life were threatened, not by pro-government groups, but by Prof. Alston’s favored group (i.e. the CPP-NPA-NDF). Mr. Bello and Ms. Rosales are leaders of the party-list group Akbayan.”

Bakit hindi si Noynoy ang hamunin ni Hontiveros na i-denounce ang Hacienda Luisita massacre at SDO?

Ang tinutukoy ni Basilio ay ang pahayag noong December 2004 nina Bello at Rosales tungkol sa pagkakabilang nila sa diumano’y NPA hit list. Muli, isang bagay na kundenahin ang ipinagpapalagay nilang hit list (na actually ay diagram ng mga counter-revolutionary groups at kanilang international links, downloadable ito sa CPP website; tingnan ang page 8 ng Ang Bayan, December 7, 2004 issue). Ibang bagay ang malisyosong “umapela” sa mga ligal na organisasyon at institusyong gaya ng KMU, KMP, IBON, CPA, at iba pa dahil sila ay “associated” o “working closely” sa CPP-NPA. Ito ay red-baiting.

Balikan natin ang statement ni Hontiveros. Sabi nito, “She said that the PTC (permit to campaign), the NPA’s human rights violations, and allegations of corruption committed by Villar are valid electoral and political issues that all candidates, regardless of party affiliations, should address”.

Kung valid electoral at political issues ang PTC at NPA, bakit kina Ocampo at Maza lamang ito ibinabato ni Hontiveros? Bakit sina Ocampo at Maza lamang ang kailangang mag-denounce sa CPP-NPA na para bang sila ang kumukumpas sa mga gawain ng CPP-NPA?

Hindi ba’t para sa isang nagsasabing s’ya ay human rights at peace advocate, mas valid na electoral at political issue, in relation to the CPP-NPA, ang peace talks sa halip na denunciation nina Ocampo at Maza?

Kung naghahanap ng valid electoral at political issues si Hontiveros, bakit hindi n’ya hamunin si Noynoy Aquino na i-denounce ang Hacienda Luisita massacre at ang stock distribution option (SDO), na lehitimong human rights issues? Hindi ba’t mas may value ang denunciation ni Noynoy sa Hacienda Luisita massacre at SDO dahil siya at kanyang pamilya ang kumukumpas sa Luisita?

Bakit hindi ang peace talks, Oplan Bantay Laya, o Hacienda Luisita ang gustong pag-usapan ni Hontiveros? Dahil red-baiting ang totoong adyenda nila ng Akbayan.

“Parade of coffins”, march against Oplan Bantay Laya: a photo slideshow

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April 14, 2010 (MANILA) – A protest march in Manila was held today highlighted by a parade of mock coffins draped in flags of different people’s organizations whose leaders and members had been assassinated or abducted by elements widely believed from the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). Human rights groups have blamed the government’s counter-insurgency program Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL) for the spate of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and other forms of human rights abuses that specifically target unarmed political activists and civilian populations.

Human rights defenders and the victims’ relatives are holding accountable Gen. Jovito Palparan, Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita, Defense Secretary Norberto Gonzales, and President Gloria Arroyo herself for their role in the murderous OBL, which has since 2001 resulted in more than 1,000 cases of extrajudicial killings, more than 200 cases of enforced disappearances, as well as hundreds of illegal and politically motivated detention such as the controversial case of the Morong 43.

For more information on the human rights situation in the Philippines, please visit the Karapatan website.

gaano katagal ang dalawang buwan ng kalayaang dinukot?

TATLONG INA, ISANG LABAN - Jane Balleta, one of the 43 health workers illegally being detained by the military for two months now, is the granddaughter of Ka Osang Beltran (raising clenched fist), wife of the late great labor leader Crispin "Ka Bel" Beltran. Jane's mother, Ofel, stands in the background of this photo taken during the March 18 hearing called by the Commission on Human Rights (CHR). Jane has a two-year old daughter.

matagal, matagal na matagal para isipin mong sana nga’y totoong pumuputok ang stethoscope

at ang mga tableta’y granadang sumasabog;  matagal upang ang hiringilya’y magbaga’t umusok

lumaya lamang, lumaya lamang

habambuhay ang katumbas ng mahigit isang libo’t apat na raang oras ng pag-aalalang walang patid

habambuhay ang katumbas ng mahigit limang milyong segundo ng pangungulilang tuluy-tuloy

madalas ay hindi mo na alam kung saan nagtatapos ang bangungot at ang katinuang gising

dahil bangungot na walang humpay ang paghihintay, pinahahaba ng walang katapusang kilometro ng mga byaheng paroo’t parito, sa kampo, sa korte, sa kampo, sa mendiola, sa korte

hila-hila natin ang buong bigat ng maraming gabing walang tulog at pasan-pasan ang daan-daang pahina ng mga ebidensya’t testimonyang nilapastangan nila, paulit-ulit nilang nilalapastangan ang ating pagkatao – ah, at hindi natin maintindihan kung bakit hindi ito maintindihan ng utak ng mga hukom-hukumang bugok pa sa itlog na bugok –

at tulad ng utak nila’y gusto ring bulukin ang ating pag-asa, gusto nila tayong patayin sa pagkabagot at walang dulong paghihinagpis, gusto nilang isa-isa tayong sumuko sa tortyur at medalya nilang isasabit sa dibdib ng mga berdugo ang bawat pasa ng ating kaluluwa.

pero alam nating mahapo man tayo’y hindi magugupo, saklutin man ng inip paminsan-minsan ay hindi minsan magdadalawang isip, na sa labanang ito, katulad ng marami na nating digmaan, ay tayo pa rin ang magwawagi –

hindi ba’t mahigit isang libong ulit na nila tayong patraydor na pinaslang?

hindi ba’t mahigit dalawang daang beses na nila tayong dinukot upang hindi na muling ilitaw?

hindi ba’t daang libo, milyong oras na nila tayong ipiniit?

paano nilang mauubos ang dugong hindi naman sa ating katawan dumadaloy kundi sa mga ugat ng lupa, malalim na malalim, malawak na malawak, dumadaloy hangga’t may kapatagan, burol, bundok, at lambak; at hangga’t mula sa lupang ito’y patuloy na umuusbong ang mga api, may kumadronang maingat na aalalay upang sila’y iluwal, at may nars at doktor na buong pag-aarugang lalanggasin ang hindi naghihilom na sugat ng kanilang kahirapan. at hangga’t ang lupa’y patuloy na nagsisilang ng api, patuloy rin itong magsisilang ng mga rebelde – rebeldeng doktor, kumadrona, nars, community health worker, pari, madre, estudyante, abugado, guro, call center agent, makabayang negosyante, OFW, manggagawa, magsasaka, katutubo, sidewalk vendor, maralitang lunsod, ina, asawa, anak, kapatid…

paano nilang magagapi ang bayang rebelde?

April 6, 2010 – dalawang buwan na mula nang dukutin at iligal na ikulong ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) at Philippine National Police (PNP) ang 43 health workers – kabilang ang dalawang doktor, isang nars, isang midwife at 39 na community health workers – sa bintang na sila’y mga kasapi ng rebeldeng New People’s Army (NPA). Para sa karagdagang impormasyon at mga update kaugnay sa kanilang kaso, bisitahin ang website ng Bayan.